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Prime Minister Starmer visited north Wales on Thursday to reveal the construction of a fresh nuclear energy facility. This is a significant policy event with implications at local and countrywide levels. Yet, the prime minister did not devote much time in Wales to advocating solutions for the UK's energy needs. Instead, he used the time trying to draw a line under the briefing controversy within Labour's leadership, telling reporters that No 10 had not undermined the health secretary’s ambitions earlier this week.

Therefore, Sir Keir’s day acted as a small-scale example of what his premiership has now become overall. Firstly, he wants his government to be doing, and to be perceived as performing, significant actions. On the other hand, he is incapable to accomplish this because of the way he – and, to an extent, the country as a whole – now conducts politics and government.

The Prime Minister cannot transform the political culture on his own, but he is able to do something about his own role in it. The plain fact is that he could manage the government's core much more effectively than he does. Should he achieve this, he could discover that the nation was in less dismay about his administration than it currently is, and that he was getting his messages across more successfully.

Staffing Issues in No 10

A number of the problems in Number 10 are about individuals. The personal dynamics of any No 10 regime are difficult to discern well from outside. But it seems obvious that Sir Keir does not make sound staffing decisions, or maintain them. Maybe he is overly occupied. Possibly he lacks genuine interest. But he needs to up his game, avoid slow progress or by halves.

• He hesitated about assigning the key job of top civil servant to Chris Wormald.
• He made a former official his chief of staff, then replaced her with Morgan McSweeney.
• He recruited a Treasury figure in from the Treasury as his deputy.
• His media advisors have been frequently replaced.
• Advisors on politics and policy have come and gone.
• It is a mess.

Structural Challenges at the Core of the Administration

Every prime minister devote excessive time abroad and on international matters, where Sir Keir should delegate more, and insufficient time talking to MPs and listening to the citizens. Premiers also allocate too much time doing media, which Sir Keir compounds by doing it poorly. Yet leaders cannot express surprise when their political appointees, who are often party activists or ambitious in politics, cross lines or become the focus, as Mr McSweeney now has.

The biggest issues, however, are structural. It would be good to think that Sir Keir read the a think tank's March 2024 study on overhauling the government's central operations. His failure to grip these issues last July or since suggests he did not. The often abject experience of the Labour administration suggests IfG proposals like restructuring the roles of the Cabinet Office and Downing Street, and dividing the positions of cabinet secretary and civil service head, are now urgent.

The dominant political role of prime ministers far outdistances the support available to them. As a result, everything currently suffers, and many tasks are poorly executed or ignored.

This isn't Sir Keir’s sole responsibility. He is the victim of past failures as well as the architect of current mistakes. But those who hoped Sir Keir might get a grip on the core and prioritize governmental structures have been disappointed. Sadly, the biggest loser from this shortcoming is Sir Keir himself.